Letter to Friedrich Adolph Sorge, July 17, 1889

Author(s) Friedrich Engels
Written 17 July 1889


First published, slightly abridged, in Briefe und Auszüge aus Briefen von Joh. Phil. Becker, Jos. Dietzgen, Friedrich Engels, Karl Marx u. A. an F. A. Sorge und Andere, Stuttgart, 1906, and, in full, in: Marx and Engels, Works, First Russian Edition, Vol. XXVIII, Moscow, 1940. Printed according to the original. Published in English in full for the first time in Marx-Engels Collected Works, Volume 48


ENGELS TO FRIEDRICH ADOLPH SORGE[1]

IN HOBOKEN

London, 17 July 1889

Dear Sorge,

Our congress is in session[2] and proving a brilliant success. By the day before yesterday 358 delegates had arrived and more are on their way. About half are foreigners, 81 of them being Germans from all the larger and smaller states and provinces excepting only Posen. On the first day the first hall was found to be too small, on the second day the second, whereupon a search was made for a third. The sessions, despite various objections on the part of the French (they thought that the Possibilists would attract larger audiences in Paris and that it would therefore be preferable to meet in camera), are all being held in public—the only safeguard against mouchards[3] —at the unanimous request of the Germans. All Europe is represented. The Sozialdemokrat will be informing America of the numbers by the next post. For the first time Scottish and German miners from the colliery districts are foregathering there for joint discussions.[4]

The Possibilists have 80 foreigners (42 British, of whom 15 are from the Social Democratic Federation and 17 from the Trades Unions), 7 Austro-Hungarians (obviously little more than eyewash, this, since the whole of the genuine movement over there is on our side), 7 Spaniards, 7 Italians (3 representing Italian societies abroad), 7 Belgians, 4 Americans (2 of whom, Bowen and Georgei from Washington, DC,[5] visited me), 2 Portuguese, 1 Swiss (nommé par lui-même),[6] 1 Pole. Almost all of them are Trades Unionists. Besides these there are 477 Frenchmen who, however, represent only 136 chambres syndicales[7] and 77 cercles d'études socialistes[8] since each little clique may send 3 delegates, whereas each of our 180 Frenchmen represent one particular society.

The eyewash with regards to fusion is, of course, much in evidence at both congresses; the foreigners want fusion, but in both cases the French are holding back. Fusion on rational terms is perfectly all right; the eyewash, however, consists in the clamour for fusion a tout prix,[9] which some of our own people are raising.

Have just seen in the Sozialdemokrat that Liebknecht's motion in favour of fusion has actually been carried by a large majority. What it consists in and whether it signifies genuine fusion based on private negotiations or merely an abstract desire which might lead up to them is not, unfortunately, apparent from the report. The easy-going nature of the Germans is above such trifles, but the fact that the French have accepted it is sufficient guarantee, so far as I'm concerned, that no disgrace will be incurred vis-à-vis the Possibilists. I shan't know more until after the post has left, probably not until tomorrow.

In any case you'll no doubt hear the essentials as soon as I shall, for the Avelings have made arrangements regarding cabling with the New York Herald's man in Paris. Today I shall send you Saturday's Reynolds[10] and Monday's Star—which contain everything of any importance to have appeared in the press over here up till now. More on Saturday.

At all events the intrigues resorted to by the Possibilists and the Social Democratic Federation in order that they might worm their way into the leading position in France and England respectively have proved a total failure and their pretensions to the international leadership still more so. If the two congresses, one alongside the other, merely fulfil the purpose of deploying their forces—Possibilists and London intriguers here, European socialists (who, thanks to the former, figure as Marxists), there—so that the world may see where the genuine movement is concentrated and where the bogus, that will be enough. Obviously any real fusion, supposing it came, would do nothing whatever to stop the squabbles continuing in England and France—quite the contrary. It would merely mean an imposing demonstration for the benefit of the great bourgeois public, a working men's congress more than 900 strong, ranging from representatives of the most docile Trades Unions to the most revolutionary communists. And it would put an end once and for all to the machinations of the intriguers at subsequent congresses, for they have now seen where the real power lies, they have seen that we are a match for them in France and their superiors throughout the Continent and that their position in England is also very precarious.

I have received Schlüter 's letter and shall answer it shortly.[11] I trust his business is doing well and that the American climate suits his wife.

Warm regards to your wife. Schorlemmer arrives this evening. Adler[12] of Vienna is coming over here next week from Paris.

Your

F. E.

  1. ↑ This letter was first published, abridged in English by the journal Labour Monthly, London, 1934, No. 3.
  2. ↑ The International (Socialist) Working Men's Congress was in session in Paris on 14-20 July 1889, on the centennial of the storming of the Bastille. In fact, it became a constituent Congress of the Second International. Taking part were 393 delegates, representing the worker and socialist parties of 20 countries of Europe and America.
    The Congress heard the reports of representatives of the socialist parties on the situation in the labour movement in their countries; it outlined the principles of international labour legislation in respective countries by supporting demands for a legislative enactment of an 8-hour working day, prohibition of child labour and steps toward the protection of the work of women and adolescents. The Congress stressed the need of political organisation of the proletariat and of a struggle for implementation of democratic demands of the working class; it spoke out for a disbandment of regular armies and their replacement by armed detachments of the people. It resolved to hold, on 1 May 1890, demonstrations and meetings in support of an 8-hour working day and labour legislation.
  3. ↑ police spies
  4. ↑ The International Conference of Miners was held on 18-19July 1889; it was attended by delegates to both international working men's congresses which were in session at the time in Paris (see note 473). The Conference discussed reports on the situation of miners' trade unions and decided to set up an international association of miners' unions, which was formed in 1890.
  5. ↑ Probably delegates of the German Workers' Club in Washington
  6. ↑ nominated by himself
  7. ↑ trade union chambers
  8. ↑ socialist study groups
  9. ↑ at any cost
  10. ↑ Reynolds Newspaper
  11. ↑ Engels must have been referring to F. Schluter's letter of 1 July 1889 about the labour and trade union movement in North America and about his futile attempts to get a job in American labour newspapers.
  12. ↑ Victor Adler