| Author(s) | Friedrich Engels |
|---|---|
| Written | 1 May 1889 |
TO PAUL LAFARGUE AT LE PERREUX
London, 1 May 1889
My dear Lafargue,
Since my letter of yesterday,[1] Bernstein has received the following from Liebknecht:
'In the present circumstances the congress can be saved only if the French act in such a way as to present a fait accompli; they should therefore convene the congress—seeing that the Belgian resolution[2]
has made combined action on the part of members of the Hague conference[3] impossible—and without the assent of the Germans, Austrians, Swiss (Danes, etc.) which, at this late date, cannot be ascer- tained in advance.
It is essential that the congress be convened for precisely the same day as that of the Possibilists (14 July) and strictly in accordance with the procedure laid down at The Hague, while expressly stating that the
date, 14 July, was chosen, not in any spirit of competition with the other congress, but in the firm hope that feelings of solidarity would compel the two congresses to hold their sittings jointly.'
This would be foolish; we, too, anticipate such an outcome, but to say so would be to play into the hands of the Possibilists, who would there- upon dictate their own conditions. You might, perhaps, say that the two congresses, by holding parallel sessions, might themselves resolve all their differences.
'At the same time, of course, a short exposé of the situation should be given, comprising recent events (the congresses at Troyes[4] and Bordeaux,[5] negotiations with a view to achieving a merger, the conference, etc.)—but omitting any kind of anti-Possibilist polemic.
'It should further be said: We would ask working-class and Socialist groups in other countries to indicate their assent to our convocation address by appending their signatures, there having been no time to obtain that assent beforehand.
'If there is no fait accompli, there will be no congress; the Belgian vote has restored freedom of action to our French friends. Once presented with a fait accompli, people will come to the congress.'
There you are—that's Liebknecht all over. He is capable of heroic determination, but only after he himself has so clouded the issue that nothing else will serve.
For that matter, I agree with what he says, with the exception of what I have noted above. In drawing up your Convocation you cannot be too mealy-mouthed, not that this need prevent your saying that the raison- d'être of your congress is the Possibilists' refusal to recognise the full and absolute sovereignty of that congress.
After Liebknecht's letter, you have no reason whatever to hesitate. So do something, hold your national congresses and, if you can, get all the delegates who attend them to go to the international congress that is to result therefrom.
As soon as your circular[6] comes out, we shall begin to agitate, first to promote your congress, and next to ensure that those delegates whom we cannot prevent from attending the Possibilist congress—Belgians, etc.,—be told that they must insist on a merger of the two congresses.
But now that you have a free hand, don't hesitate, do not lose a moment; if your circular reaches us by Monday, or Tuesday morning
even, it will go into the Sozialdemokrat and be advertised in the Labour Elector. As soon as the date of your congress has been settled, there may be something further to be done over here, although the dishonourable action of the Belgians has done us untold harm.
Yours ever,
F. E.