Letter to Wilhelm Liebknecht, April 5, 1889

Author(s) Friedrich Engels
Written


First published in: Marx and Engels, Works, First Russian Edition, Vol. XXVIII, Moscow, 1940
Published in English for the first time in Marx-Engels Collected Works, Volume 48


ENGELS TO WILHELM LIEBKNECHT

IN BORSDORF NEAR LEIPZIG

London, 5 April 1889

Dear Liebknecht,

When I wrote to you yesterday I hardly expected that by today I should already be in a position to point the moral of my letter.

Our pamphlet[1] —of which, 2,000 copies were distributed in London and 1,000 in the provinces and, thanks to Tussy, just at the right places— has acted like a bombshell, making a tremendous rent in Hyndman's and Brousse's tissue of intrigue, and this at the most crucial spot. The people over here, suddenly enlightened as to the real state of affairs, have now discovered that Hyndman has shamefully deceived them about the congress, the French socialist parties, the Germans and the Hague affair[2] and has concealed the essentials from them. The rebellious, progressive elements in the Trades Unions,[3] whom Hyndman was just in process of annexing, are now turning to Ede, and all are anxious for further enlightenment. Inside his own camp, the Social Democratic Federation,[4] Hyndman has also encountered opposition, which means that our pamphlet has induced some uncertainty in the ranks of the Social Democratic Federation, the only sure ally the Possibilists had. The consequence, enclosed herewith, was Hyndman's backward-look- ing and, as compared with his previous insolent language, almost hang- dog, reply in justice.[5] Never before has Hyndman beat so ignominious a retreat, and the article will bring us further victories. At one fell swoop the Sozialdemokrat has attained in London a position of respect such as would otherwise not have accrued to it for years. And instead of abus- ing us, they are now all but begging us to ensure that there should not, after all, be two congresses.

Well, Ede is going to reply to the effect that he can only speak in his own name, but believes he can say that, should the Possibilists now instantly and unreservedly accept the Hague resolutions, it might not be too late to reach an understanding and he would be glad to do what he could to bring it about.

Now that the Possibilists have also had bad news from Spain, their agent Gély having simply been sent packing in Madrid—where we are in full control—and having no prospects whatever anywhere else if you except a Trades Union in Barcelona, and now that the Belgians also appear to be taking a tougher line than they, the Possibilists, expected, there's every possibility that this final blow, which is causing their chief reserves to waver, will make them more amenable. In order that you may strike while the iron is hot, it might be a good idea for you to copy,— more or less—the enclosed letter to Ede, preferably just as it stands, and send it to him without delay.[6] I am sending the same letter to Bebel with the same request.[7] Preferably just as it stands, however, for one single expression inappropriate to the situation over here would prevent us from using the thing. Then the letters might be published. What we hope to do is to induce Hyndman to influence the Possibilists along the lines we want, in which case they'd be bound to submit and we should have salvaged one congress.

All this was agreed today between Ede and myself. And now, having regard to my letter of yesterday,[8] you may again call me the rudest man in Europe.

Your

F. E.

Dear Ede,

I am very glad to hear that the Social Democratic Federation is show- ing itself more conciliatory. But the rejection of the Hague resolutions by the Possibilists has forced us into the position of proceeding inde- pendently and convoking a congress to which all will be admitted and which will have the last word in its own affairs. Preparations for this are already under way and cannot be broken off.

If the Social Democratic Federation earnestly desires an understand- ing, it might perhaps still contribute thereto. There may yet be time. Such an understanding might possibly still be reached if the Possibilists were to accept the Hague resolutions purement et simplement[9] —but without delay, for, having already once been rebuffed, we can no longer allow ourselves to be trifled with.

I cannot speak here in the name of the German Party since the faction is not now in session, and still less in the names of the other groups represented at The Hague. But one thing I will gladly promise: If, by the 20th of April at the latest, the Possibilists can lodge with the Belgian delegates Volders and Anseele written notice of their unconditional acceptance of the Hague resolutions, from which we cannot deviate by a hair's breadth, I shall do all I can to promote an understanding and likewise the attendance of all concerned at the congress convoked by the Possibilists with due regard for the Hague resolutions.

Your

W.L.

The date, 20 April, is important—because of the need to come to a decision before the Belgian National Congress on the 21st.[10]

I also enclose something from the Sozialist—the Americans are wholly of one mind with Ede as to this.

What has proved more effective than anything else over here has, in fact, been the publication of the Hague resolution[11] concerning which Hyndman had disseminated nothing but lies and which has struck home all the more forcibly for restricting itself to the demand for things that were pretty well axiomatic.

  1. ↑ A reference to the pamphlet The International Working Men's Congress of 1889. A Reply to 'Justice', London 1889. Its original version was written by Eduard Bernstein at Engels' suggestion in reply to the editorial comment entitled The German 'Official' Social Democrats and the International Congress in Paris and carried by the newspaper Justice on 16 March 1889, No. 270. Having been edited by Engels, the pamphlet appeared in English in London, and then it was published by the German newspaper Der Sozialdemokrat and signed: E. Bernstein.
  2. ↑ The International Socialist Conference was held in the Hague on 28 February 1889. It was attended by representatives of the socialist movement of Germany, France, Belgium, Holland and Switzerland. The conference was convened at the suggestion of the Social Democratic faction in the German Reichstag with the aim of framing the conditions for the calling of an International Socialist Working Men's Congress in Paris. The Possibilists refused to attend the conference despite the invitation and did not recognise its decisions. The conference defined the powers of the forthcoming congress, its date and agenda. The International Working Men's Congress took place on 14 July 1889.
  3. ↑ Engels means the Trade Union Committee of Protest Against the Parliamentary Committee's Actions With Regard To the Paris International Working Men's Congress. The Parliamentary Committee (see note 269) refused to take part on the pretext of British workers having a shorter working day and higher wages than the workers of other European countries and thus not needing any protection of their interests. The newly established Protest Committee of representatives of many trade unions organised protest meetings and entered into correspondence with socialist parties abroad concerning the preparation of the Congress.
  4. ↑ The Social Democratic Federation was a British socialist organisation, the successor of the Democratic Federation, reformed in August 1884. It consisted of heterogeneous socialist elements, mostly intellectuals, but also politically active workers. The programme of the Federation provided for the collectivisation of the means of production, distribution and exchange. Its leader, Henry Hyndman, was dictatorial and arbitrary, and his supporters among the Federation's leaders denied the need to work among the trade unions. In contrast to Hyndman, the Federation members grouped round Eleanor Marx-Aveling, Edward Aveling, William Morris and Tom Mann sought close ties with the mass working-class movement. In December 1884, differences on questions of tactics and international co-operation led to a split in the Federation and the establishment of the independent socialist league (see note 21). In 1885-86 the Federation's branches were active in the movement of the unemployed, in strike struggles and in the campaign for the eight-hour day.
  5. ↑ H. Hyndman, 'The International Workers' Congress of Paris of 1889 and the German Social-Democrats', Justice, 6 April 1889
  6. ↑ Wilhelm Liebknecht's letters of this period are not available. However, Engels' letter to P. Lafargue of 10 April 1889 suggests that Liebknecht must have written to Bernstein.
  7. ↑ The whereabouts of this letter of Engels is not known but it is apparent from A. Bebel's letter to Engels of 14 April 1889 that he had received the Engels letter.
  8. ↑ See previous letter
  9. ↑ purely and simply
  10. ↑ The Workers' Party of Belgium had its congress at Jolimont on 22 April 1889 (see note 405).
  11. ↑ The International Socialist Conference was held in the Hague on 28 February 1889. It was attended by representatives of the socialist movement of Germany, France, Belgium, Holland and Switzerland. The conference was convened at the suggestion of the Social Democratic faction in the German Reichstag with the aim of framing the conditions for the calling of an International Socialist Working Men's Congress in Paris. The Possibilists refused to attend the conference despite the invitation and did not recognise its decisions. The conference defined the powers of the forthcoming congress, its date and agenda. The International Working Men's Congress took place on 14 July 1889.