Letter to Wilhelm Liebknecht, January 27, 1874

ENGELS TO WILHELM LIEBKNECHT

IN HUBERTUSBURG

London, 27 January 1874

Dear Liebknecht,

I am glad you give me an occasion to write to you; what with the many different things I have had to deal with recently, our correspondence would otherwise just come to a halt. Ad rem, then.

A short while—perhaps a week—before the Geneva Congress, we received a little pamphlet of 16 pages from Geneva. It was signed by Perret, Duval and about another 6-8 names, for the most part, like the two referred to, leaders of the Geneva International and the noisiest opponents of the Jurassians. The pamphlet contained the statement that the Hague Congress was in the wrong, that it was necessary to weaken the General Council, abrogate its powers of suspension, transfer it back to Europe and at the same time debar London for two years (the fools—as if we were pining to have it here!), etc., etc. This was followed by a letter from Perret. Although it was he above all who instigated and conducted the whole row with the Bakuninists, he declared that these concessions would have to be made since this would ensure that des sections jurassiennes—by which he means the one in Münster-Moutier—joined forces with them.— Both Perret and the other Genevans had left us in the dark about this new development right up to the very last moment; they had failed to reply to our enquiries about the situation in Geneva and hence omitted to dispel the illusion they themselves had fostered that we could rely on unconditional support in Geneva—particularly since it was their doing that the London General Council had joined in the quarrel with the Bakuninists and become more and more deeply embroiled in it. Indeed, Perret had misled us only two weeks before, when he wrote telling us that the membership of the Comité Romand had been changed and that he had resigned! Well, since all the information pointed to the fact that the Congress would be a purely local event in Geneva, or at most a Swiss Congress with negligible participation from abroad, we finally decided not to attend.^[1] Subsequent events proved us right, and Becker^[2] was able to tell these sudden Genevan converts to 'anti-authoritarianism' that they could pass whatever resolutions they liked, but that no one would pay any attention and everything would be overturned at the next congress.

In the meantime, however, the whole intrigue came to light. Behind the affair was none other than that adventurer Cluseret, who had also inspired their celebrated pamphlet. The fellow imagined the moment had arrived for him to place himself at the head of the International and have the General Council transferred to Geneva. This latter notion had flattered the local bigwigs, who hoped to convert the International into a local Swiss gossip shop in which they could all play first violin. At the same time, M. Perret was in constant touch with Jung here, who, in the manner he had adopted since The Hague, told him a heap of lies about the powerful support they could count on here if they reduced the International to an organisation concerned only with rendering support to strikes, etc.

The Geneva faiseurs^[3] followed his lead, and this resulted in the establishment of the Union des Travailleurs, a paper without anyone behind it but Cluseret, Perret & Co., together with their projected Ligue universelle.⁷ So the whole thing was a new, somewhat modified scheme to make the International serve the Genevans' ends.

But the project was still-born. The paper published reports from Germany, Belgium and France, all of which were written in Geneva; only the London reports were by Jung, and those were as full of lies as only Jung has learnt how to lie in the last fifteen months. When they tried to have their little plans adopted in the Geneva sections they failed everywhere without exception. The Belgians would have nothing to do with them, and now the Sheffield Congress has also given them short shrift, as could have been foreseen by anyone who knows anything about English trades unions.⁸ So that spells the end of their little plan, and M. Perret can now resign indeed.

So you can see how the very same little jackasses who deliberately ruined the Geneva Congress became turncoats immediately after it, and tried out a new swindle, which luckily has come to nought.

The pamphlet on the Alliance,^[4] incidentally, has achieved its aim. The entire dissident press, which was an artificial phenomenon, sustained only by the prestige of the International, has now collapsed. The Brussels Internationale and probably also Le Mirabeau have folded up, not to mention the Liberté. The same thing has happened to the plethora of Spanish and Italian papers. I cannot say with assurance whether La Federacion and the Bulletin Jurassien are still appearing, but I think not. This sectarian press will be replaced by a better one by and by, but it will take time and that will do no harm. The bad elements will have to wear themselves out completely before better ones can come along.

Over here the whole mass of workers' leaders in the pay of the bourgeoisie, and in particular of Samuel Morley, are trying their hardest to get the bourgeois to elect them to Parliament as working men's candidates. They won't succeed, though I would gladly see the whole crew there and for the same reasons as I welcome the election of Hasenclever and Hasselmann and still only regret the absence of my Tölcke. The Reichstag ruined Schweitzer, and it will ruin them too. It is the end of swindling and forces one to show one's colours.

The elections in Germany⁴ place the German proletariat at the head of the European workers' movement. It is the first time that the workers have voted for their own people en masse and have put themselves forward as a party in their own right, and throughout the whole of Germany at that. It can hardly be doubted that measures to restrict the franchise will follow, though not for a year or two. How right that feudal socialist R. Meyer^[5] was in his contention that the General Association of German Workers would become increasingly international—despite its bosses—was confirmed by the second ballot in Frankfurt when the jackasses finally had to vote for Sonnemann and acted quite correctly: first vote for our own man, and then, if it is clear that he won't get in on the second round, vote for the opponent of the government, whoever he happens to be. This was a very bitter pill for the bosses. But history has its laws, and even the mighty Hasenclever cannot prevail against them.

You have already had news of Marx. He is better, but still needs to take care not to overwork. This morning we went out walking on Hampstead Heath, something he ought to do every day; however, it shows you that there is no question of his having to remain indoors, etc.

I assume that the Reichstag will just let you serve out your sentence, so it would be very good if Jacoby were to be elected.⁹

I intended writing something about Germany for the Volksstaat, but have been so involved in economic and statistical material that it threatens to become a small, or even a full-size, book.¹⁰

Best wishes to Bebel.

Your

F. E.