Letter to Friedrich Engels, March 18, 1857


MARX TO ENGELS

IN MANCHESTER

London, 18 March [1857] 9 Grafton Terrace, Maitland Park, Haverstock Hill

Dear Engels,

You must excuse me for not having acknowledged receipt of the £5 or of your letter before now. My wife is very unwell and our domestic arrangements generally are in such a state of crisis that I am quite bemused and cannot write.

Guardians received today. No answer yet from the New-York Tribune. The only thing I could say to Olmsted, of course, was that if he had failed to place the article[1] with Harper, he should send it back.

Proudhon's new book on economics, not yet to hand, has already run into 7 editions.[2]

How Miquel could believe I could write for the Jahrhundert is beyond my comprehension—a weekly rag whose contributors are Rüge, L. Simon, Meyen, B. Oppenheim, M. Hess, etc. I haven't read any of it but have seen the cover of No. 1, Vol. 2, on which is printed the following list of contents: 'Nach dem Kriege, vor der Entscheidung. IV. Von Arnold Rüge'. 'Briefe aus Paris, der Schweiz und London' (i.e., L. Simon, Kolatschek, Meyen). 'Der Geist unserer Zeit; zum Neujahrsgruss. Von Arnold Rüge'. 'Naturwissenschaft und Gesellschaftslehre. V. Von M. Hess'. 'Erziehung zum Glauben und Erziehung zur Humanität'. 'Notiz'.

Edgar Bauer is putting out a book, Englische Eindrücke}'[3] Should be splendid.

I shall find out the price of Mieroslawski's and LelewePs books (the latter's first volume nothing but a children's history).[4]

Concerning the blackguard—Bob Lowe—I have no information at present, but might find out something this week. He's the kind of fellow who would have been at home in the Société du dix Décembre.[5]

Every day brings fresh revelations about Pam's 'liberal' foreign policy. First, the 'SECRET TREATY' with Austria.[6] Now, the fact that he has given Bonaparte his word to suppress any kind of revolution in Naples. The latter, however, wanted this done only in so far as a 'Murat' restoration 140 was not subsumed under the heading 'revolution'. It was this 'MISUNDERSTANDING' which scuppered the Naples expedition.[7] In the COMMONS yesterday Pam denied the charge in a very 'AMBIGUOUS MANNER'.[8] But this week is likely to see the appearance of further documents which will give him the lie.

The Russians haven't acted with quite their usual circumspection this time. The first Continental paper since the crisis in Parliament[9] to defend Pam as a 'TRULY BRITISH MINISTER' 141

is the Nord, which usually affects a fanatical hatred of Pam. Even the Neue Preussische Zeitung speaks of 'UNPRINCIPLED COALITION'.

The Persian affair has fizzled out as I supposed: England has gained nothing, apart from a few nominal concessions; rather she has given way to the Persian court on the main issue.[10] Russia, on the other hand, has obtained a small piece of territory, as Layard yesterday confided to the gaping COCKNEYS. Needless to say, he did not have the courage to place these two FACTS in their correct causal nexus. He also repeated the assertion (already made by Disraeli in the Lower House without eliciting a word from Pam in reply) that, during the war with Russia, Pam forbade the Persians to take an offensive stand against the Russians as had been their intention. For at the time the fellows had hopes of recapturing the provinces that had been wrested from them. He had had the same admonition conveyed to them at the time of the Polish revolution (1830).

In order to assess correctly the Persian, as also the Chinese fracas, both should be compared with Pam's earlier doings in these REGIONS, since both are merely repetitions.[11] So long as he was at the helm, the first Chinese war was conducted in such a way that it could have gone on for 100 years without any result save an increase in the RUSSIAN OVERLAND TEA-TRADE and a growth of Russian influence in Pekin. It was only under Sir Robert Peel that this war was given an 'English' twist by Ellenborough.

It is to be hoped—and is indeed probable—that this time a parliament will be returned which will pledge itself to nothing save passive obedience to Pam. The dissolution of the former parties expressed as a coalition ministry, like that of Aberdeen,[12] seemed rather to make the MIDDLE CLASS feel able to rest on its laurels than to alarm it. This same dissolution expressed as Pam's dictatorship is bound to lead, not only to the most gratifying fiascos and complications abroad, but also to the most violent agitation if not to revolution at home. The old boy, who was partly responsible for the Manchester massacre en miniature[13] and helped to draw up the 6 'GAGGING ACTS', won't so much as turn a hair. Mutatis mutandis, Pam's DICTATORSHIP will be to the coalition ministry what the rule of the Royalists, who coalesced in the last French Assemblée, was to the rule of Bonaparte. In England, things will at last be brought to a head.

Apropos Bangya. Since 1855 this same Bangya has been Sefer Pasha's adlatus.[14] He has married the daughter of a Circassian chief (which must be equally gratifying to his lawful wife in Pest and his unlawful one in Paris), and is now himself a Circassian chief. Through his connections in London he has recruited 300 Poles and shipped them to the BLACK SEA together with supplies of ammunition, etc. According to the news in the papers, they have run the gauntlet of the Russian CRUISERS and safely reached Sefer Pasha. WHAT DO YOU THINK OF THAT? The fellow, realising that his role was played out in the West, has embarked on a new one in the Orient. Whether again as a democratic mouchard[15] or in good faith is another question.

Write soon, as your letters are now essential TO [help me] PLUCK

UP. The SITUATION is horrible.

Salut (to Lupus as well).

Your

K. M.

  1. Engels made excerpts from Bazancourt's book between June and September 1856. In the autumn of that year he summed up the results of his critical analysis in an article entitled 'Saint-Arnaud'. Marx sent the article to the American journal Putnam's Monthly, but the editors returned it unpublished.— 45, 51, 71, 73, 80, 93, 106, 124, 126, 128
  2. P. J. Proudhon, Manuel du spéculateur à la bourse,
  3. E. Bauer, Englische Freiheit.
  4. L. Mieroslawski, De la nationalité polonaise dans l'équilibre européen; J. Lelevel, Histoire de Pologne. Tome I: 1. L'Histoire de la Pologne racontée par un oncle à ses neveux.
  5. The Société du dix Décembre (Society of December 10) was a secret Bonapartist society consisting mainly of déclassé elements and political adventurists. Set up in 1849, it owed its name to the election of Louis Napoleon to the Presidency of the French Republic on 10 December 1848. Marx gives a detailed description of the Society in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (see present edition, Vol. 11, pp. 149-51, 180-82, 186, 193-96).—107, 157, 436
  6. The secret treaty guaranteeing Turkey's frontiers was signed by Britain, France and Austria in Paris on 15 April 1856.—107
  7. In October 1856 France and Britain, fearing that the reign of reaction and terror in the Kingdom of Naples (the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies) might set off a revolutionary explosion, demanded that Ferdinand II, the Neapolitan King, should pursue a more flexible policy. Ferdinand II, confident of Austria's backing, refused to comply, whereupon France and Britain put their naval squadrons in the Mediterranean on the alert. However, the planned expedition against Naples did not take place owing to differences caused by Napoleon Ill's intention to instal a prince of the Bonaparte dynasty on the Neapolitan throne. By the autumn of 1856, the struggle had intensified for the union of the Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and for an end to their dependence on the Ottoman Empire. The British government, apprehensive of France's intention to instal a member of the Bonaparte dynasty as head of the united state, and fearing the growth of Russian influence in the principalities, actively supported Austria's and Turkey's opposition to the movement for unification (this is what Marx had in mind speaking about Palmerston's alliance with Austria on the Turkish issue). However, despite the diplomatic complications and the resistance of the reactionary aristocrats, the principalities merged in 1862 to form the single state of Romania.—81, 107, 243
  8. An account of Palmerston's speech in the House of Commons was published in The Times, No. 22631, 18 March 1857.
  9. 134
  10. 129
  11. Marx means the policy of Britain's ruling quarters towards Persia, Afghanistan, China and other Asian countries during Palmerston's first term as Foreign Secretary (1830-41). Thus the British government declared the siege of Herat in November 1837 by Persian troops an act of hostility towards Britain and took advantage of it to send a naval squadron to the Persian Gulf. The Shah of Persia was forced to lift the siege in August 1838 and later to conclude a trade agreement with Britain advantageous to the latter. Palmerston was also Foreign Secretary when Britain unleashed what came to be known as the First Opium War (1840-42), which marked the first stage in turning China into a semi-colony of West European capitalist states.—107
  12. 145
  13. 144
  14. aide
  15. informer